Resumen
En los últimos años, activistas feministas en varios países de
América Latina han creado mapas digitales de feminicidio:
las muertes violentas de mujeres relacionadas con el género.
La intersección del activismo y el mapeo ha sido explorada
desde la académia y por activistas que han abordado la natu-
raleza performativa, participativa y política de los mapas, y
por académicas feministas que han analizado —y promue-
ven— la reivindicación del mapeo y de los Sistemas de Infor-
mación Geográfica (GIS por sus siglas en inglés) por y para
las mujeres y el pensamiento y la acción feminista. En este
ensayo, uso el caso del mapa Feminicidio Uruguay y tomo
ideas del nuevo materialismo para proponer un novedoso
abordaje metodológico para estudiar esta intersección. Un
abordaje que podría revelar una comprensión más compleja
de la agencia de las cosas digitales creadas en la apropiación
desobediente de objetos cotidianos, como Google Maps.
Palabras clave:
activismo feminista, mapeo digital, metodología, vitalidad, agencia de las cosas
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Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
Abstract
In recent years, feminist activists in various Latin American
countries have been creating digital maps of feminicide
—the gender-related violent deaths of women. Te intersec-
tion of activism and mapping has been explored by scholars
and activists who have addressed the performative, parti-
cipatory and political nature of mapping, and by feminist
scholars who have analysed and advocated for mapping and
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to be reclaimed by
and for women, and for feminist thinking and action. In this
essay, I use the case of the Feminicidio Uruguay map and
draw from some of the ideas of new materialism in order to
put forward a novel methodological approach to study such
an intersection. An approach that might reveal more com-
plex understandings of the agency of digital things that are
created in the disobedient appropriation of everyday ob-
jects, such as Google Maps.
Keywords
Feminist Activism, Digital Mapping, Methodology, Vibrancy, Agency of Tings
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Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
Feminicidio Uruguay
In 2015 I started registering cases of feminicide in Uruguay in the form of an
interactive Google map, on which I place a marker every time a gender-re-
lated violent death of a woman takes place. Each of the markers shows the
name of the woman, the date when the case happened, a short description of
what happened and a link to a newspaper article referring to it. Google Alerts
e-mails me every time a case is reported in the online Uruguayan media out-
lets. Occasionally, I have found out about a case from the social media posts
of friends or relatives of a victim, or by watching the news on the TV screen
in some bar. Since 2017, every time there is a new case of feminicide, I take a
screenshot of the map centred on the relevant marker. I publish this on Face-
book, Twiter and Instagram with a link back to the map, and share the posts
on several online feminist spaces. Put together, the Feminicidio Uruguay map
and social media accounts are my contribution to a range of actions coordina-
ted by the wider feminist movement in Uruguay.
When a case of feminicide becomes known, the Coordinadora de Feminis-
mos del Uruguay/Feministas en Alerta y en las Calles call a street mobili-
sation to take place a couple of days later, spreading the word by creating a
Facebook event or by circulating a ‘plaque’ with details. A growing number of
people have been joining these spontaneously organised protests, taking to
the streets of Montevideo to denounce this form of violence. Alongside each
protest, the collective Caída de las Campanas performs a sonic irruption into
public space —an urban intervention that resignifies the sound of bells used
in Christian rituals to signal mourning and protest (Delgado, 2016).
Sometimes, feminists coordinating actions in real life (IRL) learn about a
new case from the map’s updates. Conversely, I have sometimes been promp-
ted to update the map afer receiving a notification on my social media feed
about a rally or the announcement of a new performance. Te various for-
mats and supports for the recorded information about the case, the ensuing
performance announcements or calls to action, and the audio-visual and
textual records of these events spread via social media, for days afer.
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Introduction
1 Te Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner
In recent years, feminist activists in various Latin American countries have
for Human Rights (OHCHR)
been creating digital maps of feminicide —the gender-related violent deaths
in Central America adopts this
definition of femicidio/feminicidio
of women1.As part of my own feminist activism2, in 2015 I started a Google
in the Model Protocol for the
Map in order to record feminicide cases occurred in Uruguay: Feminicidio
investigation of femicide/femi-
nicide in Latin-America (Bernal
Uruguay (feminicidiouruguay.net). Tis map is part of a range of long-run-
Sarmiento et al., 2014).
ning feminist actions aiming to raise awareness about the issue, in Uruguay
2 Given my personal involve-
and the region.
ment as a researcher activist, I
use the first person as part of an
auto-ethnographic approach,
Tere is a lot of media being made in —and making— the processes and
“starting research from [my] own
actions of recording and protesting cases of feminicide described above: news
experience” (Ellis and Bochner,
2000, p.741) and “thinking the
reports on media outlets; Google alerts; a version of a Google map, based on
social through my self ” (Probyn,
a data spreadsheet; screenshot images; a range of social media posts, shares,
1993, p.3).
hashtags, comments and “emoji reactions” (Stinson, 2016); street demons-
trations; sound interventions; audio-visual recordings; texts… Teeming with
emotions, intentions and desires, these “vibrant things” (Bennet, 2009),
digital and non-digital media disobediently appropriated by feminist activists,
acquire a self-propelling vitality, “continually doing things” (Bennet, 2009,
p.112; emphasis in the original) as they move through human and computer
networks and formats, being re-used, re-signified and re-shared.
As a researcher activist, I am interested in asking of all these things, but most
particularly of the map: what do you do? Following Deleuze and Guatari, I
could ask about the rhizomic affects (Fox, 2015, p.306) that are produced by
the aforementioned things (and the rhizomic affects that these things provi-
de): How does it all work as an assemblage (Deleuze and Guatari, 1988)? Or,
using Karen Barad’s agential realist lens, I could ask: what are the intra-actions
enacted in, through and by this entanglement (Barad, 2007)? Moreover, as a
feminist activist, I am especially concerned with understanding how gender
discourses and practices intra-act with/in these configurations. In this article,
I am interested in thinking through the research methodologies and potential
avenues of enquiry that could be put to use to explore the political effects of
the emergent materiality of these appropriated media. Tus, in what follows
I shall consider the theoretical and methodological approaches that could be
applied to studying the gendered repercussions of digital mapping as a strate-
gy employed by feminist activists around the issue of feminicide.
Te intersection of activism and digital mapping has been explored by
scholars and activists who have addressed the performative, participatory and
political nature of mapping (Crampton, 2009; Plantin, 2015; iconoclasistas,
2016) and by feminist scholars who have analysed and advocated for the
reclaiming of mapping and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) by and
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Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
for women, and for feminist thinking and action (Pavlovskaya and St. Martin,
2007, p. 602; Kwan, 2002; Elwood, 2008; McLafferty, 2002, 2005). In this
essay, I draw from some of the insights of new materialism (Barad, 2007;
Braidoti, 2013; Latour, 2005; Fox and Alldred, 2015) in order to put forward
a novel approach to study such an intersection. Tis approach aims to reveal
more complex understandings of the agency of digital things created by the
disobedient appropriation of everyday objects, in this case Google Maps.
I will start by situating my work within a new materialist framework and dis-
cussing Jane Bennet’s conception of vibrant mater (2009). Tinking through
Barad’s notion of entanglement (2007), I shall take up Bennet’s “invitation”
to turn things over and over until they are made strange (2009, p.vii) and
follow not only “the trail of human power[, but also] the scent of a nonhu-
man, thingly power, the material agency of natural bodies and technological
artefacts” (p. xiii). I then will move on to examine how reverberation —a term
effectively employed by Adi Kuntsman “to describe the affective and political
work of violence” (in Karatzogianni and Kuntsman, 2012, p.1)— can be used
to track the rhizomic affects travelling and making these trails. I outline Rita
Segato’s understanding of feminicide as expressive violence to reveal the term’s
vibrancy. My intent is to show how these ideas elicit specific questions that
could productively be asked of a digital map of feminicide: What affective sig-
nals reverberate in, from, and through it? Which of these signals are more or
less vibrant? Along which trails do these signals flow? What material things,
both human and non-human, do they bounce off, pass through or mark?
How are they distorted, intensified, muffled, or stopped in these encounters?
(Kuntsman, 2012, p.2) To conclude, I propose that, together, these ideas
could end up forming the backbone of a methodology to research this type
of activism, one that will allow for more complex understandings of the ways
in which vibrant digital maps of feminicide intra-act in and with the world,
producing reverberating affects and effects.
Orientation
Bennet’s invitation to follow draws on Derrida’s sense of the term, which
“points to an intimacy between being and following: to be […] is always to
be following […], always to be in response to call from something” (Bennet,
2009, p.xiii). By now, the map and I are intimately linked, both responsive to
the call of a new case of feminicide. As being and following blend, I am too
close to the map... I am not sure where to begin.
I shall begin with the readings that provided a way into this research. Firstly,
two texts on methodology: Rebecca Coleman and Jessica Ringrose’s Deleuze
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and research methodologies (2013); and Nick Fox and Pam Alldred’s Inside the
Research-Assemblage: New Materialism and the Micropolitics of Social Research
(2015). Coleman and Ringrose’s description of methods as performative
and as having a role in making reality and making a difference (p.113) points
to the similarities and crossovers between research and activism. Fox and
Alldred’s description of the opportunities offered by “new materialism […]
to address the concerns of those involved in analysing social research data
and applying it either to explain or to change the world” (s.1.5) resonated
with my desire to explain and change the world, and hinted at the poten-
tial of following a new materialist approach, focusing “upon the materiality
of affects and of the actions, interactions, subjectivities and thoughts they
produce” (s.2.7). Finally, Emma Renold and David Mellor’s “multisensory
mapping” of gender in the space of the nursery (2013), and more particularly
their atention to vibrancy, revealed the productivity of mobilising Bennet’s
proposals as part of a methodological approach. Trough these readings, I
started understanding the map itself as research-assemblage —gathering and
displaying of data on feminicide—, and I also understood that I wanted to
follow the map.
A useful starting point for my enquiry was Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatari’s
understanding of nomadic science, described as a science that follows (Coba-
rrubias and Pickles, 2009, p.40; Karatzogianni, 2012, p.53). “[F]ollowing is
something different from the ideal of reproduction. […] One is obliged to
follow when one is in search of the ‘singularities’ of a mater, or rather of a
material, and not out to discover a form […] And the meaning of the Earth
completely changes” (Deleuze and Guatari, 1988, p.372). As well as resona-
ting with Bennet’s aforementioned call to follow, this idea of following led me
into two directions. On the one hand, it pointed towards the way in which
the map could be studied: unfolding a kind of research that, “poaching from
a variety of systems of thought” (Karatzogianni, 2012, p.53), follows the
reverberations within, radiating from and crossing through the map. On the
other hand, it signalled towards a question: could the map itself be a following
science? Or, on the contrary, would it be what Deleuze and Guatari call royal
science, “involving reproduction, iteration and reiteration” where “[r]eprodu-
cing implies the permanence of a fixed point of view that is external to what is
reproduced” (1988, p.372, emphasis in the original)? If the former holds true,
how is it so?
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Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
First direction: following the research
In order to disrupt my closeness to the map, to intentionally disorient myself
and become able to follow, I took up Bennet’s invitation to make things stran-
ge. I followed multiple meandering routes, in search of intersections between
notions of vibrancy, reverberation and feminicide, as well as between those of
map, activism, digital media and gender. As I found crossing points, through
feminist theories, digital sociology, the sociology of social movements and
the sociology of emotions, neuroscience, Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT), human geography and visual cultures, new ways of
thinking about the map emerged.
Vibrancy
“We are vital materiality and we are surrounded by it,
though we do not always see it that way.”
(Bennet, 2009, p.14; emphasis in the original)
Bennet articulates the notion of vibrant mater in an ecological impulse,
understanding it as a political project to “promote […] more atentive en-
counters between people-materialities and thing-materialities” (2009, p.x), an
atention that might change the ways in which political events are analysed.
In her view, material vibrancy is not an external force, but rather the intrinsic
affective power of all “[o]rganic and inorganic bodies, natural and cultural
objects” (p.ii), the capacity of things “to act as quasi agents or forces with
trajectories, propensities, or tendencies of their own” (p.viii), their efficacy
“in excess of the human meanings, designs, or purposes they express or serve”
(p.20). Vibrancy is the power of things to make a difference (p.32). Tis
positioning of vibrancy in the context of a political project prompted me to
think about the ways in which the map -itself a political project-, might be a
vibrant thing.
It is important to note that, while the idea of thing-power may seem to refer to
a stable individuality, Bennet’s aim is to “theorise a materiality that is as much
force as entity, as much energy as mater, as much intensity as extension”
(p.20). To do so, she draws on Deleuze and Guatari’s concept of assemblage
to describe agency as distributed, emerging in and from the interaction of
a multiplicity of human and non-human vibrant materials (Bennet, 2009,
p.21-24). Also worth mentioning is the fact that Bennet also conceives cul-
tural forms, such as gender, as “artifacts […], themselves powerful, material
assemblages” (p.1), by which she understands that they have their own
thing-power. Discussing the political implications of her proposal, Bennet
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suggests that “the appropriate unit of analysis for democratic theory [be] the
(ontologically heterogeneous) ‘public’ coalescing around a problem” (p.108).
Here she conceives public both as “groups of bodies [I would substitute it for
things] with the capacity to affect and be affected” (p.101) and “as an ‘in-
tra-action’ of humans and nonhumans, signifying the ‘inseparability of «ob-
jects» and «agencies of observation»’” (Barad, 2001, referenced in Bennet,
2009, p.152;), that is to say, as an entanglement. According to this conception,
the map, its users and myself, as well as other elements, would be the entan-
gled public coalescing around feminicide.
For Barad, “[r]eality is composed not of things-in-themselves or things-be-
hind-phenomena but of things-in-phenomena” (2007, p.140). Barad’s phe-
nomena are entanglements, which, unlike assemblages, are conceived not as a
coming together of pre-existing things, but as “highly specific configurations”
(2007, p.74) of “the mutual constitution of entangled agencies [that] emerge
through their intra-action” (p.33). Entanglements are always implicated in
discursive practices enacting different boundaries, properties and meanings
(p.139). In this sense, research itself is as an intra-acting discursive practice,
because it performs, concurrently with other practices, agential cuts that “ma-
terialise the boundaries between human and nonhumans, culture and nature,
science and the social” (p.140). Essay-as-research entangled with map-as-re-
search entangled with map-in-public.
Barad points out the difficulty of studying something that changes in each in-
tra-action (2007, p.74). As described above, the map is entangled in intra-ac-
tions with/in many things, always (in) a “process of mediation” (Kember and
Zylinska, 2010, p.2). Some things appear more human: feminist activism;
gender and feminicide as practices and discourses; media outlets; humans,
and human bodies; (gendered) ideas of space and nation. Others appear
more non-human, solid and non-solid: the various devices and screens where
the map is coded, decoded and displayed; the network routing the data,
including mobile towers, WiFi antennas, transatlantic cables; electricity, light
and radio waves; Google and Facebook’s algorithms and hardware. Moreover,
I personally face the added difficulty of being (at least) doubly entangled with
the map, both as a map-maker and as its researcher (Coleman and Ringrose,
2013, p.6).3 Nevertheless, I find it exciting to take up both Bennet’s invita-
3 Tis essay produces such a spe-
cific agential cut. Different cuts of
tion to atend to vibrancy, thing-power and affects, and Barad’s challenge to
my entanglement with the map
responsively atend to intra-action and entanglements, diffractively “reading
would materialise me as woman
or as gendered subject, Uruguayan
important insights and approaches through one another” (2007, p.30). As
citizen, geek...
Sybille Lammes writes, “digital mapping interfaces [are] mediators in trans-
formative practices” and, in order to explore their agency, it is important to
acknowledge their “thingy-ness”, to conceive them “as neither object nor sub-
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Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
4 borrow weird from Jusasi
ject” (2016, p.5). Trough these ideas, the map can be conceived as a vibrant
Parikka’s “weird materialities”
thing, in potentially powerful intra-actions with other human and non-hu-
(Parikka, 2012 cited in Casema-
jor, 2015, p.10).
man agencies -including cultural forms such as gender-, as we surround each
other, all with our own weird material-discursive vibrancy.4
Reverberation
Tings that reverberate may have a “continuing and serious effect”
(Oxford University Press; definition of reverberate)
When talking about sound, vibrant is synonymous with reverberant (Oxford
University Press; definition of vibrant), so when I came across Adi Kunts-
man’s work on the term reverberation in relation to online violence, I pricked
up my ears and I followed (2012, p.1).
In her introduction to Digital Cultures and the Politics of Emotion, Kuntsman
invites us to explore how “digital ‘structures of feeling’ work together, or
side by side, with broader political forces” (Williams, 1977, referenced in
Kuntsman, 2012, p.3) and to study the digital using the language that cultural
studies, sociology, and feminist and queer theories have put forward to think
about emotions, feelings and affect (Kuntsman, 2012, p.4).
Inspired by popular music studies’ analyses of urban soundscapes, Kuntsman
introduces the concept of reverberation to analyse digital culture. Reverbe-
ration is about “multiple movements of multiple sounds [signals],5 coming
5 In Philip Tagg: “‘Reverberation’
is understood here phenomeno-
from multiple origins and bouncing off multiple surfaces, ofen simultaneously
logically as a continuous series
and in contradiction to each other” (2009, p.234; emphasis in the original).
of decreasingly loud signals from
the same original source” (1994,
In this sense, it could be described as a rhizomic flow: “branching, reversing,
p.10; emphasis added).
coalescing and rupturing” (Fox, 2015, pp.306-7). Kuntsman opposes rever-
beration to the notions of “‘representation’, ‘narration’ or ‘impact’” (2012,
6 Here Kuntsman links circula-
p.1), seeing it instead as an invitation to atend to the multiple effects invol-
tion to Sara Ahmed’s concept of
ved, over time, as emotions and feelings (or affects) circulate6 through “bo-
affective economy where “affect
does not reside positively in the
dies, psyches, texts and machines” (p. 2). Read in Barad’s terms, reverberation
sign or commodity, but is produ-
is a kind of measuring agency (a measure of the multiplication and distribu-
ced as an effect of its circulation”
(Ahmed, 2014, p.45).
tion of affect), its agential cut enabling us to atend to intra-actions between
vibrant things, both human and non-human (Barad, 2007, p.348). To me,
this means that representation, narration and impacts should be understood
7 Tis chimes with Rebecca
Coleman’s suggestion that, while
as different measuring agencies. In this sense, they could be applied as thinking
it is not necessary to fully replace
tools, provided one is always aware of the ways in which they co-constitute
the politics of representation
model, atention should be paid
the object of study, making it appear to have a specific shape and related pos-
to “how the workings of power
through images have shifed”
sibilities for intra-action.7
(2013, p.17).
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By keeping this focus on material aspects, I aim to heed Rosi Braidoti’s
warning against “hasty renditions of the digital web as rhizome[, which frame
Deleuze and Guatari’s work within] the cult of the inorganic, the celebration
of the sublimely fake and the purposefully inauthentic” (2006, pr.2). For
Braidoti, “[t]echnology is at the heart of a process of blurring fundamental
8 Te intra-actions entangling
feminicide, feminism and capita-
categorical divides between self and other[, combining] cyborgs, monsters,
lism deserve further exploration,
insects and machines into a powerfully posthuman approach to what we used
outside the scope of this essay.
to call ‘the embodied subject’” (pr.3). However, she has also pointed out that
Several scholars have examined
the feedback between feminicide,
such a powerful potential is at the heart of global capitalism’s search for profit,
patriarchy and capitalism (see
through the reverberation of “ever-shifing waves of genderisation and sexua-
Segato, 2016; Monárrez Fragoso,
2010; Olivera, 2010; Encinas,
lisation, racialisation and naturalisation of multiple ‘others’” (pr.4).8
2016) while others have also
explored and critiqued the
“dangerous liaison” (Eisenstein,
Feminicide
2005) between feminism and
capitalism/neoliberalism (see
Fraser, 2013).
#MachismoMata
#NiUnaMenos
#TocanAUnaTocanATodas9
9 Tese hashtags were circulated
by the feminist movement in
Uruguay in relation to cases
In her analysis of feminicide in Ciudad Juárez (Mexico), Rita Laura Segato,
of feminicide. Tey translate
as “machismo kills”, “not one
much like Braidoti, argues that neoliberalism produces and reproduces di-
(woman) less”, “if they touch one
fference “by means of a progressive expansion of hierarchical distances to the
(woman), they touch us all”.
point of exterminating some as an uncontested expression of success” (2010,
p.87). In this sense, she identifies the murdered women -poor and mesti-
zas- with the emblematic other, who is eminently suppressible (p.87). Te
shameful impunity for these crimes in Ciudad Juárez is guaranteed by “[t]he
extreme asymmetry that results from local elites’ unregulated extraction of
wealth” (p.84).
In order to elucidate how feminicide works, Segato suggests thinking it throu-
gh a model she developed, whereby rape is understood as a form of expressive
violence,10 its end being “the expression of being in control of somebody else’s
10 Segato developed this model
in “La estructura de género y el
will” (p.75). According to this model, violence speaks its message via two axes.
mandato de la violencia” (2003)
Along the vertical axis, the aggressor evidently addresses his victim; along
the horizontal axis he addresses his peers, too: “Tose who give meaning to
the scene [of feminicide] are other men, not the victim” (pp.76-77). Tus,
following Segato’s model, feminicide “results from a commandment arising
from the gender structure to guarantee the tribute that qualifies each new
member for access to the virile brotherhood” (p.77). In Segato’s view, this axial
arrangement “is the actual architecture of gender relations” (2006, p.5; my
translation). In such an architecture, feminicide has its own terrible vibrancy,
as women’s bodies become the site for the violent reverberation of the com-
munication of masculinity, in its most distorted and intensified expression.
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Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
11 As Aleida Luján Pinedo points
Yet, vibrancy is also found in the many conversations at local, national and
out, also following Barad, the
regional levels, taking place across and between the feminist movement and
concept of feminicide is itself
the legislative bodies in Latin America, as they debate the definition of femi-
co-constituted in its entangled in-
tra-action with concepts such as
nicide,11 the specificity of its local manifestations, the pros and cons of writing
patriarchy, sex-gender system, sex,
it into the legislation and the different ways in which it should be approached
gender, woman, violence or gender
violence (2015). Such a complexi-
-they discuss, for example, if the term should cover all violent deaths of wo-
ty has engendered debates along
men or whether more nuanced classifications should be put in place, as advo-
multiple lines, whose outcomes
I cannot discuss here for reasons
cated by Segato (2006). In Uruguay, when the feminist movement coalesced
of space. For more information
and burst into the spontaneous street protests mentioned above -relying on a
about these discussions, see
Terrorizing Women: Feminicide
concerted effort to monitor news, record cases, and spread information about
in the Américas (Fregoso and
Bejarano, 2010).
cases via digital media- the debate gained momentum and started reverbe-
rating through the media,12 therefore reaching the public debate. By the end
12
Afer a relentless year of
murders and street protests (40
of 2017, two bills had been debated and approved in parliament: a proposal
cases were recorded in 2015 and
typifying feminicide as “crimes against women because of hate, contempt
there were actions every month)
(Suárez Val, 2015), the term
or undervaluing due to their condition as women” and designating it as an
feminicide started being used in
aggravating circumstance to homicide, and a broader bill puting forward a
the Uruguayan media. By way
framework to define and tackle all forms of gender-related violence against
of example, in January 2016, the
women. Feminist and human rights activists expressed both support and re-
newspaper Diario El País ran the
following headline to report the
servations about the content and the reach of these bills.13 Strong objections
murder of Yenny Chico: “First
feminicide of the year”.
to the notion of feminicide were also raised by conservative voices, on the
grounds that it might constitute a form of discrimination against men (see,
13 In contrast to the first bill’s
for example, Sarthou, 2015).
punitive approach, the second
bill, in line with the UN’s Model
Protocol, defines different types
In this panorama we can identify the vibrancy of feminicide as a powerful
of gender-related violence (sym-
bolic, physical, psychological,
term, as it reverberates in the entangled landscapes of news media, politics
patrimonial, etc.) to facilitate an
and activism; circulating in and through protesting bodies, theoretical texts
integrated approach to eradica-
ting it, including a budget (see
and legislation. And digital maps.
Parlamento del Uruguay, 2016).
Many feminist activists did not
support the purely punitive
Second direction: following the map
approach, as they thought that
such a bill was but a political
Following the ideas of vibrancy and reverberation, I came up with a series
quick fix (Sputnik, 2017).
Activists also called on the
of questions I wanted to ask of a digital map of feminicide: What affective
parliament to reconsider changes
signals reverberate in, from, and through it? Which are more or less vibrant?
that had reduced the second bill’s
original scope (Amnistía Interna-
Along which trails do these signals flow? What material things, both human
cional Uruguay et al., 2017).
and non-human, do they bounce off, pass through or mark? How are they
distorted, intensified, muffled, or stopped in these encounters? (Kuntsman,
2012, p.2).
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Inmaterial 05.
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Vibrant maps. Exploring the reverberation of feminist digital
mapping
On the thingyness of the map (or, what materialises in/through
the map-as-entanglement as it reverberates and intra-acts)
In this section, I will use the map of feminicide in Uruguay (Suárez Val, n.d.)
14 Tis realization came to me as I
to look at how the map’s thingyness takes different shapes depending on the
followed lines between feminici-
manner in which it is approached (and on what the map itself approaches).
de, maps and law.
15 To represent every detail, the
Te map-as-entanglement is representation and orientation in permanent
map became the same size as the
empire, and therefore useless as
tension (de Sousa Santos, 1995, p.472).14 Boaventura De Sousa Santos
a tool for orientation (Borges
points out that “the map distorts reality through […] scale, projection and
referenced in de Sousa Santos,
1995, p.459).
symbolisation” (p.459), for decisions are made about how much detail is
shown, which features are highlighted (and which are lef less distinct) and
16 When someone asks me
“What are you up to?” whilst I
which graphic signs are used (pp.460-462). In Barad’s vocabulary: as scale,
am updating the map, my answer
projection and symbolisation enact agential cuts, phenomena materialise on
is always as follows: “I’m doing
the map.” Tis phrasing might
the map as particular forms of reality. What is represented is a distribution of
result from my entanglement in
cases of feminicide in Uruguay on a Google map.
English and Spanish (in Spanish
hacer means both “to make” and
“to do”). However, I think, with
Google Maps is as close to Borges’s emperor’s map15 as it gets, for it materia-
Coleman, that this is more about
lises the world in an already vibrant amount of detail. When I do the map,16
my body “doing with the image”,
as I feel and live with the map
markers are added in the locations where women were killed because they
(Coleman, 2013, p.13). Another
were women. Te image that emerges shows women who were young, old,
interesting slide: in Spanish “to
update” translates as actualizar,
white, black, poor, middle-class, hetero, lesbian, trans…; women who worked
which suggests that feminicide
at home, in offices, in rural setings, as sexual workers…; who were mothers,
is actualised (materialises) in the
map through our intra-acting.
who wanted to get abortions, who had not figured it out yet. Tey were bur-
ned in houses, lef in ditches, shot on streets, stabbed in restaurants. Te men
17 Ever since I started doing the
map, all known perpetrators have
who killed them were or had been their partners,17 for the most part. Some
been men. Some cases rest un-
were related to the security forces. Too many had already been denounced
resolved. In the illustrated case,
K. G. commited suicide months
by the women whom they ended up killing, women who were supposedly
afer her partner sprayed her with
under state protection. Te claim that the map is an “unofficial, and, likely,
petrol and set her on fire.
incomplete record” (Suárez Val, n.d.; my translation) materialises an(other
18 In the previous legal fra-
state) absence: the lack of official statistics on feminicide.18 De Sousa Santos
mework, gender-based violence
indicates that “[a] given phenomenon can only be represented on a given
was limited to “domestic violen-
ce”, therefore, the state did not
scale. […] As in nuclear physics, the scale creates the phenomenon” (1995,
disaggregate data about some
p.460). Simultaneously, mapping feminicide creates and reveals the pheno-
violent deaths of women that
would fall within the definition
menon and its scale. Feminicide is not only violently inscribed on the body of
of feminicide -murders of sexual
its victims. By marking -and making strange- the familiar inverted heart-sha-
workers or transgender women,
for example. Some efforts were
pe of Uruguay’s “logo-map” (Anderson, 1991, p.250), the markers on the
made, in the form of ad hoc
map show how feminicide is inscribed on the Uruguayan social body. Detail
reports (see, for example, Minis-
terio del Interior del Uruguay,
on the map intensifies.
2016). With the approval of
the aforementioned laws, more
detailed information will become
available from government
sources
126
Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
Inmaterial 05.
Vibrant maps. Exploring the reverberation of feminist digital
127
mapping
Tose areas in the map where there are markers become louder, more vibrant.
Zooming into a case, noise increases with the automatic appearance of more
labels for streets, landmarks, points of interest. Words vibrate and bounce
off each other. For example, a case recorded on 3 April 2017 took place near
streets named Independence, Happy Fate and Guyunusa19 (see Fig.2). Tese
19 Guyunusa was an indigenous
woman, from what is now
words chime with the case. In its proximity, they entangle with feminicide, ma-
Uruguay. She died in 1834 in
king meanings resonate, change, reverberate. Tey add vibrancy. Te graphic
France, where she was taken,
together with three indigenous
sign marking the spot, the familiar Google Maps marker, vibrates between
men, as part of an exhibit (Rivet
being a “referential/cognitive sign” and an “emotive/expressive sign” (de Sousa
2002). In Uruguay, feminists
have embraced her as a symbol of
Santos, 1995, p.462), loaded with meanings and affect. I (or you; anybody can
resistance.
do this) capture a screenshot, and share it, together with hashtags and links, on
various networks. It produces comments, reactions and shares, as it reverbera-
tes through social media. Te resulting cacophony signals a different cognitive
orientation towards the meaning of violent deaths of women: “single isolated
case” becomes “case of feminicide” becomes “activist cause”.20 Furthermore, as
20 Or, in some encounters, it
becomes “those man-hating
Ahmed has shown, orientation is also linked to emotion, feeling and affect, to
feminists!” As Kuntsman points
touching and being touched (Ahmed, 2006, p.2014).
out, the map circulates within
a “regime of suspicion, where
digitalised evidence is always
Humans in the map
already suspected of being pho-
toshopped, made-up, fabricated
-and as such, these testimonies
As an image on a screen, the map is a thing that can be touched (physically,
fail to move, cause annoyance or
mockery instead of compassion”
through touch-screens or mouse-clicks; digitally, by marking it with femi-
(2012, p.3).
nicide sites). Te map can also touch, “creating an immediate emotional
response” (Kuntsman, 2012, p.3). Screens are “expressive surfaces” ( Jones,
2017) and both them and the images they display, are “affective, intense
and interactive, as well as being representational” (p.32). Teir materiality
emerges, as described by N. Katherine Hayles, from the inter(and intra)
action between a work’s21 physical elements, “the user’s interactions with
21 Hayles is writing here about
electronic literary texts, but her
the work and the interpretive strategies she develops -strategies that include
reasoning can be applied to the
physical manipulations as well as conceptual frameworks” (2002, p.33). Te
map.
different ways in which the map is touched -zooming, clicking, swiping and
scrolling- alter the map’s materiality (see Lammes, 2016). Te orientation
and the feelings towards feminicide also change, as the map proposes -in the
sense of “lending of weight, an incentive toward, a pressure in the direction of
one trajectory of action rather than another” (Bennet, 2009, p.103)- a spe-
cific conceptual and emotional framework, which can be accepted, rejected,
or modified. But as well as touching the map, humans are also in the map. A
blue dot marks a device’s current location: a visual cue of the fact that you are
22 Other representations
tangled in this entanglement. In this way, the map reveals that subjectivity
entangled in the map include,
for example, the Uruguayan
is “always and already entangled and touching” (Warfield, 2016, p.2) with
“imagined community” (Ander-
expressions of feminicide.22 Tere is also another way in which the map can
son, 1991) with its constitutive
values, traditions, etc.
touch you: as you look at the map on a (retina?) display, the map makes an
128
Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
23 We need to remember the
impression23, you become affected by it.24 Even if you look away, the image
‘press’ in an impression. It allows
captured in your retina lingers behind your eyelids, its affective signals mo-
us to associate the experience of
ving through reverberating circuits in your neural network, to be encoded in
having an emotion with the very
affect of one surface upon ano-
“memory neurons”, “keeping information about the past available for future
ther, an affect that leaves its mark
decision making” (Ribeiro and Nicolelis, 2010, p.45). Te map inscribes you,
or trace” (Ahmed, 2014, p.6).
the map is now in you.
24 People who see the map ofen
exclaim: “¡Qué fuerte!”, literally
“How strong!”, a colloquial
According to Hayles, “inscription technologies” are devices which “must ini-
formulation meaning something
tiate material changes that can be read as marks” (2002, p.24). Upon intra-ac-
is powerful, incredibly sad, and/
or hard to believe.
ting with the map once, twice, many times, human bodies might be inscribed
with the concept of feminicide -the inscribed signal bouncing through them,
reverberating into human networks, re-inscribed and remediated (p.5), as it
cycles through news item to map marker, to screenshot, to hashtag, to shared
post; and then through placards, street marches, sound performances…
towards law amendments and, ultimately, social change.
Artificial intelligence
Fig.3 Screen capture (11/08/2013) showing
YouTube suggestions for the search terms
“See how...”. Te first suggestion reads “See
how someone puts it into someone”, and the
second one, “See how (they) rape women”.
Tis image was captured and posted on
Facebook in the context of the digital art/
activism project Ver Comentarios (Bianchic,
Delgado, and Suárez Val, 2016).
As I turned and turned the idea of inscription through reverberation, I reali-
sed that I had been following reverberation in only one direction: from the
25
Tere is at least one other in-
map towards and through the human.25 In what follows, I will take another
teresting “human” direction: tra-
cing reverberation back towards
direction.
moments of data gathering
and inscription onto the map. I
Te map is data (about feminicide in Uruguay); but it is also made of digital
explored this question in my MA
data mater which “consists of physical inscriptions, […] bits […] stored in
dissertation Affect amplifiers: fe-
minicide, feminist activists and the
the form of magnetic polarities on hard drives, electric charges on flash me-
politics of counting and mapping
mory cards, or microscopic pits on the surface of optical disks” (Casemajor,
gender-related murders of women.
2015, p.7). Te map is disassembled into bits relayed across the network in
26 Te reference is to “relations-
packets, passing through routers which decide the most efficient paths to take
hips (between companies)”. I
found it useful to think with the
depending on “time, politics and relationships” (Code.org, 2015)26. Teir de-
omission.
cisions “change over time as [their] knowledge changes” (EURIM, 1999, p.1).
1
Inmaterial 05.
29
Vibrant maps. Exploring the reverberation of feminist digital
mapping
Te map-as-entanglement reverberates in a myriad of directions, as electricity,
light and radio waves, before its bits are “re-assembled in the proper order at
their final destination” (EURIM, 1999, p.2). It is significant that routers learn
as bits pass through them, and that this learning involves an understanding of
human politics and relationships. I wonder what else routers could learn in
their intra-action with bits about feminicide and gender structures.
A more complex kind of “learning machine” in this entanglement are the
algorithms behind Google, Facebook and other digital companies, which
collect, analyse and interpret (all/our/any) data, and decide which bits to
foreground for us. As Deborah Lupton remarks, “[a]lgorithms and other
elements of sofware […] are generative, a productive form of power” (2013,
p.4). Algorithms learn from us, and make decisions which materialise diffe-
rent worlds for us, through our expressive screens. In their discussion of the
limits and challenges of algorithms, Marijn Janssen and George Kuk describe
how “the algorithmic materiality is a complex socio-technical assemble [sic.]
of people, technologies, code developers and designers” and link algorithms
to Foucault’s conception of power and governmentality27 (2016, p.375). As we
27 Te “contact between the tech-
nologies of domination of others
saw above with Hayles, discourse, practices, power and bodies, intra-act in/
and those of the self ” (Foucault,
through the materiality of technology. Tis includes gender technologies28:
1988, p.19 cited in Deveaux,
1994, p.245; emphasis added).
algorithms are gendered.
28 Afer Teresa de Lauretis (1987).
Te gendered, sexualised and racialized aspects to algorithms’ learning and
decision-making processes have been the recent focus of controversies about
Google Search (Burgess, 2017b) and Facebook’s offensive-content removal
policies (Constine, 2016), amongst others. Notably, in 2013 the UN used this
premise as the basis of an anti-sexism campaign displaying real (and really)
sexist autocomplete suggestions whenever terms such as “women shouldn’t”
or “women need to” were writen in a search engine (Huffington Post UK,
2013). In Uruguay, a few weeks before that campaigned was launched, a small
artistic collective -in which I participated- had already noted the phenome-
non and decided to start their own, much smaller, campaign (Fig.3).
Tus, if algorithms can learn to perform gender-based violence (in ways
that have real consequences for embodied humans), surely, they should be
able to learn how to combat such violence. Wired UK recently reported that
“tech giants are using artificial intelligence to prevent suicide and self-harm”
(Burgess, 2017a). Tey hope to achieve this by programming algorithms to
identify content and search terms that suggest that a potential action might
be taken by a given user, who is then provided with suitable search results
or links. Visions of Big Brother come to mind, yet, this suggests algorithms
could possibly be programmed to address sexism, or even to detect poten-
130
Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
tial acts of gender-related violence. Tere is, however, another way to think
through this.
Te thing-in-phenomena that is Feminicidio Uruguay, an entanglement of
data, emotion, bodies, discourse and practice, is part of a vibrant series of
similarly entangled things: a map showing streets in Montevideo named
afer women (DATA.UY, 2017); other maps of feminicide in Latin America
(Ramírez, n.d.; Salguero, n.d.; Geografía Crítica, 2016); or maps of women’s
activism (Red Latinoamericana de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Sociales
y Ambientales, et al., 2017). Not to mention a plethora of websites, social
media pages and accounts, podcasts, mobile chat groups and other cyber-
feminist29 actions pushing towards and beyond a “feminist internet” (see
29 Here, cyberfeminist refers
to a “feminist appropriation
Feminist Principles of the Internet, 2017). As vibrant, multiplying feminist
of information and computer
bits -entangled into unpredictable light, electricity and radio waves- reverbe-
technology” (Paasonen, 2011,
p.335). I use this term to gesture
rate through Google and other tech giants’ infrastructures, would their very
towards the map’s insertion in
gendered materiality not be configured and reconfigured in their intra-action?
the entangled genealogy of cy-
berfeminism, an important angle
Are the “master’s tools” (Lorde, 1983) immune to affect, or could feminist
of enquiry that I cannot develop
activists’ disobedient appropriation of everyday technology alter the very
here for reasons of space.
material structure of the internet?
Conclusion
[T]here is an emerging acknowledgement that, in part,
the batle for new worlds is a batle over space
and the production of spatial imaginaries.”
(Cobarrubias and Pickles, 2009, p.37)
In this essay, I have explored the potential uses of the notions of vibrancy, re-
verberation and intra-action to develop a novel methodology to research the
effects, and affects, of digital maps disobediently appropriated by feminist ac-
tivists to record cases of feminicide. Trough an exploration of my own map
of feminicide in Uruguay, I have shown how digital maps can be understood
as co-constituted in data, practices, discourses, emotions, light, electricity,
radio waves, cables, routers, neurons, algorithms, human and non-human bo-
dies… -things-in-phenomena, things with their own vibrant thingly power. I
have presented how thinking with vibrancy helps to highlight various aspects
of these maps’ reverberation through bodies -both human and nonhuman-,
which follow the affective signals emited from/through the map, shaping
intra-acting elements in the entanglement.
I find it necessary to note some important issues that fall outside the scope of
this essay but which could be further developed. Tey include: problemati-
1
Inmaterial 05.
31
Vibrant maps. Exploring the reverberation of feminist digital
mapping
zing the very use of digital maps as a tool, given mapping’s inherent belonging
in capitalist, colonial and patriarchal entanglements;30 exploring the reverbe-
30 Tis tension is explored, for
example, by Sebastián Cobarru-
rations traversing feminism and feminist activism, in the (never unidirectio-
bias and John Pickles (2009).
nal) intra-action with/in platforms created and maintained by powerful mul-
31 Some scholars have compe-
tinationals;31 following the potentially essentialising and/or heteronormative
llingly argued that “networked
reverberations of the patern of feminicide that emerges in the map; and, not
communications technologies
[…] are profoundly depolitici-
least, examining the potential role of the map in the communication between
zing” (Dean, 2005, p.1). Others,
perpetrators described in Segato’s model of expressive violence.
however, have focused on
pointing to the “promise” as well
as the “pitfalls” of digital feminist
More atention could also be paid to another important potential direction of
activism (Mendes, Ringrose, and
research: the reverberations of the map across the landscape IRL. As the map
Keller, 2018).
materialises a location as a “site of feminicide”, and then, in concert with other
actions, as a “site of protest”, “site of performance” or “site of memorial”: how
is the materiality of the landscape itself altered? In order to extend a metho-
dology, one possibility would be to explore how notions of vibrancy, rever-
beration and entanglement could be thought through “material geographies”
(Tolia-Kelly, 2013).
Taking new materialist approaches as a starting point, in this work I have
explored fresh lines of thought to stimulate creative methodologies for resear-
ching -and practising- digital activism around feminicide in Uruguay and
Latin America. Te proposed approach reveals the usefulness of atending
to the vibrancy and reverberation of things as a means to reveal both their
affects and effects. Bearing this in mind, I want to conclude with a strong re-
commendation, which springs from these ideas: activists’ disobedient doings,
especially their appropriation of digital objects, could benefit from integra-
ting an alertness to the vibrancy of mater, and a sensitivity to how emotions,
practices and discourses reverberate and leave their imprint towards/through
not only human, but also non-human bodies.
I thank Rebecca Coleman, Nirmal Puwar, Noortje Marres and two anonymous
reviewers for their critical reading and insightful feedback on this essay.
132
Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
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138
Inmaterial 05. Helena Suárez Val
Helena Suárez Val
Goldsmiths, University of London
She is a social communications producer, focused
creating digital communication strategies and
cultural events in the areas of human rights and
feminism. She has worked in London, Johannes-
burg and Montevideo, for organisations such as
Amnesty International’s International Secretariat,
the Global Call to Action against Poverty and
Cotidiano Mujer. She has recently completed an
MA in Gender, Media and Culture at Goldsmiths,
UK and will continue her research as a doctoral
student at Warwick University. She is the creator
of feminicidiouruguay.net and, together with Elena
Fonseca, co-produces the weekly feminist podcast
#Informativo Feminista de Nunca en Domingo.
Fecha de recepción del artículo: 10 de Marzo de 2018
Fecha de aceptación del artículo: 8 de Mayo de 2018
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